WHAT IS TO BE DONE?

Here are few items of news from the past two weeks, in no particular order. A judge in a rape case in Croydon criticised the police and the CPS for failing to disclose information that would have proven a defendant's innocence. It is not the first time this has happened and it is admitted that the CPS is "targeting" a higher conviction rate in such cases. The CPS apologised "to all concerned".  An inspection of HMP Liverpool revealed some of the most degrading conditions in a penal institution in living memory. This was blamed on a "lack of resources" rather than a failure of leadership. The Navy's newest aircraft carrier sprung a leak a mere month after it was commissioned. There is an ongoing enquiry into the rapidly mounting costs of the aircraft that will (eventually) fly from her decks. The Church of England said that transgender studies should be on the school curriculum. The Secretary of State for Education trumped that by saying that this should start in the Primary years so that children can explore their "identity" as early as possible. The head of OFSTED was roundly denounced for raising concerns about the values promoted in some Islamic schools in the UK. A number of these schools are unregistered and therefore illegal. One of the publications used  therein for the kiddies' edification is entitled Women who deserve to go to Hell. A statutory body called the Safer Bristol Partnership said that in their negligent handling of the case of a murdered immigrant, Bijan Ibrahimi, both the local constabulary and council were "institutionally racist".  While the report did not identify any individuals who behaved in a racist way at Bristol Council and at Somerset & Avon Police, the institutions themselves were accused of being racist. By this logic, state servants cannot be held accountable but public institutions should  have a character independent of the people who work within them. The former PA to Harvey Weinstein bravely blew the lid on the way that lawyers at both Miramax and Disney exploited Non-Disclosure agreements to hide alleged rape by their client, the eponymous movie "mogul". A top barrister disclosed that this practice is routine among corporations and therefore culturally ingrained. The Commission for Widening Access at Scottish Universities repeated its charge that these institutions are not doing enough to "contextualise" the experience of pupils from disadvantaged backgrounds. They should admit even more pupils with lower grades than "privileged" children. Morayshire Council said that it is facing a crisis in secondary education provision. It is now difficult to source even part-time teachers. The Chairman of house-builder Persimmon PLC resigned when it was confirmed that the Chief Executive will receive a share-based bonus in excess of £100m. What caused the embarrassment was the fact that the original award was uncapped rather than the fact it bore little relationship to factors within the executive's control.

Of course, many of these instances speak of hubris, warped priorities, injustice, abuse of power and foolishness. But you need not share the analysis of either Burke or Marx to see that what links them all is a profound failure of both institutional culture and governance. The post-War trends of social and economic liberalism that provided a firm foundation to the modern democratic state's actions and legitimacy ripened long ago and are now beginning to rot. The progress that has been made towards race and sex equality has been distorted by the emergence of identity politics and a culture of victimhood and "vulnerability" that disguises real needs and deprivation. Views and agendas that are either foolish or depraved or both now have to be respected. An attachment to objective truth in public debate has been replaced by an insistence that there are only rival interpretations of "reality" that have to be accepted no matter how dangerous or false. This is nothing to do with the tension exposed in the Enlightenment between the scientific "method" and religious faith, opposite sides of the same human coin. On the contrary, it is a regression of rationality without the consolation of belief in the transcendent. In the economic sphere, welcome reforms that addressed an inefficient and unfair corporatist model have been overwhelmed by the re-emergence of monopoly behaviour and a growing assumption that the debt that unfettered capital owes to social justice is purely discretionary. In both the social and economic spheres, reward is becoming increasingly dissociated from effort, contribution or merit. The steadily growing disenchantment with the so-called "welfare scrounger" has arguably been supplanted by a greater anger at the chicanery and greed revealed by the "Great Financial Crisis". In both cases, the honest and hard working citizen is perceived to be picking up the tab for no discernible improvement in their own lives or security. Meanwhile the connection between the unreformed state and the citizenry has been further eroded by an "austerity" agenda that has nonetheless made little difference to the nation's indebtedness.

This analysis is hardly original and can be found in various guises in the journals and think-tanks of both the political left and right. But what is puzzling is the profound failure of the mainstream political parties to mobilise behind this analysis with convincing ideas. The Conservatives have made some welcome attempts to reintroduce concepts of excellence and attainment for all in their educational reforms, but it is difficult to pretend that they have matched the profound changes in societal attitudes and public culture over the past twenty years with intellectual renewal. The philosophy that it is only the marketplace that can provide a real indication of societal and personal value is long held, although palpably false. The Labour Party has retreated to a far-left agenda which at least has the merit of being held with conviction. But the salient element is the explicit determination to replace the free market system in the long term, not merely to reform it. But neither the managerial approach of the Conservatives nor the determinist agenda of the Labour Party can be viewed as new thinking. Communism, in either its Soviet or Euro-Communist variants has been tried and failed. The "Third Way" attempted by New Labour (and echoed by a "modernised" Tory Party) went up in a puff of smoke in Iraq and the Great Financial Crisis. Teresa May weakly essayed an attempt at "Red Conservatism" in her 2017 manifesto but it just ended up looking like an extension of the "austerity" agenda. 

Yet what these analyses fail to explore is the fact that the state, under whatever party of government, is losing its ability to promote social solidarity or even to protect its citizens. Public institutions that are supposed to be shared by all are increasingly adopting the agendas of sectional interests and identity cheerleaders. Rational scepticism is denounced as intolerance where these interests are challenged. The prevention of perceived "hate crime" now trumps the maintenance of public security as the priority of society's paid guardians. Meanwhile the idea that tax needs to increase to support a state that is fundamentally unreformed is held as an article of faith by those who dominate the debates in the public sphere.

This disconnect between state and citizen will widen with the advance of technology. Social media and the "connected" world has already undermined the authority once enjoyed by the state as a repository and disseminator of public information. Deference between and towards individuals went a long time ago; now there is less need to defer to a flawed state. The possibilities offered by Artificial Intelligence, autonomous knowledge networks and so-called "Augmented Reality" will further disintermediate the relationship. The individual will be further empowered just as social solidarity and the concept of the duty citizens owe to each other if a civilised society is to be maintained, is eroded.

Trump and Brexit are analogues. They are the signals amongst the noise. They are choices informed by the anger of an atomised citizenry that believes it has been conned. A professionalised political class is unsuited to dealing with this profound and growing sense of alienation. Public policy is increasingly characterised by irrational "targets", sectional interest and unwarranted intrusion into personal and family life. In the UK, the anger has morphed with an extraordinary attachment to the agenda of a regressive Left under Jeremy Corbyn. Yet the Labour Party is not alone in trying to do the same old thing time - and - time again while expecting to get a different result. There is a pressing need for a new coalition with an  agenda that promotes shared responsibilities and social solidarity. What is in it for the citizen to become newly energised? "Sharing the proceeds of growth" is not enough - people are fed up with the steady and pernicious re-distribution of the rewards of private endeavour to the increasingly inadequate "provider" classes of the state. They are also sceptical of a system of welfare that (still) bears no relation to personal contribution. They resent the egregious awards accruing within corporations that have no loyalty to the citizens that they need in order to prosper. The new agenda must ensure that all participate in and enjoy the benefits of progress, not marginal and increasingly unjust re-distributions of economic growth. This participation will only accrue from a thoroughgoing reform of the educational system that encourages fruitful endeavour and enquiry, whatever the level of skill or academic attainment. The idea of community must be re-discovered by reviving the optimistic and outward-looking impulses that informed the development of Friendly Societies, Charities, community groups and Trades Unions. The state should not "retreat" but rather be slimmed and re-focused on public needs that simply cannot be met by private individuals or corporations. Religion and belief in the sacramental and transcendental should not be derided as signs of ignorant credulity, but respected and nurtured where they promote civic harmony and personal responsibility. The wisdom of the elderly should command as much respect as the aspirations of the young. But the young also need to be motivated with a stake in society -it is not enough to further distort markets and tax regimes for marginal "targeted" gains. People everywhere need homes and facilities. There should be a clearer connection between productive effort and the achievement of personal security, welfare and space, not just the chance of access to over-priced necessities in a "winner-takes-all" economic paradigm. In an ageing society, social care which demands real dedication and skill needs to be properly rewarded, elevated  and respected. The tax system needs urgent reform and simplification, an issue that has been successively ducked as there is a powerful professional constituency with a vested interest in its perpetuation. The Police, Criminal Justice and Prison systems need a complete overhaul of leadership, culture and practice. What is "free at the point of use" in the NHS needs to be re-defined and the resultant service placed on a secure organisational and financial base. Above all, the case for government intervention into the lives of the citizenry needs to be constantly reviewed and justified. It is time for a quiet revolution and the exercise of power by the currently powerless.